The Lawyer and the Priest



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America and the World
What museums do in New York and Boston also says something about how the United States sees itself in the world. Long ago, Gunnar Myrdal described Americans as clinging tightly to what they think of as the American creed or the American ideal—which he defined as “the cement in the structure of this great and disparate nation.”112 These deeply rooted assumptions about the nation and its global role are also a piece in my puzzle.
Michael Ignatieff wrote that people interpret and take responsibility for the global through the lens of their national experiences. Would we care about universal human rights, he asks, if they were only expressed as universal, or do “our attachments to these universals depends critically on our prior attachment to rights that are national, rooted in the traditions of a flag, a constitution, a set of founders, and a set of national narratives, religious and secular, that give point and meaning to rights?”113 So how might a closer look at Americanness and American values help explain how the nation and its place in the world is represented by these two cities?
Exploring the “American ideal” was one of the central goals behind the founding of The Atlantic Monthly, a journal of politics, business, and culture that celebrated its 150th anniversary in 2007. In fact, some of the same Boston superstars who founded the MFA also created the magazine. Picture the aftermath of a five-hour, multi-course dinner at Boston’s still famous Parker House Hotel. Brandy spills and breadcrumbs litter the tablecloth and cigar smoke clings to the air. The luminaries who gathered included Ralph Waldo Emerson, the same celebrated philosopher and poet who delivered the 1837 address at Harvard which Oliver Wendell Holmes later called America’s intellectual Declaration of Independence; Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, one of America’s most popular poets at the time; and James Russell Lowell, poet, editor, and diplomat.114
The term “the American Idea” comes from The Atlantic’s inaugural issue.115 It’s first back cover included an unsigned Declaration of Purpose proclaiming its objectives in a few simple sentences, “The Atlantic,” its editors wrote, “will be an organ of no party or clique…It will not rank itself with any sect of antis: but with a body of men which is in favor of Freedom, National Progress, and Honor, whether public or private.” Its founders committed themselves to exploring, monitoring, and promoting “the American idea,” which they left fairly undefined. They wrote at a time of heated debates about national identity. Westward expansion, growing tensions between the centralized federal government and its unruly decentralized states, and bad blood between the North and South thwarted attempts to arrive at a national consensus.
To celebrate its 150th anniversary, the Atlantic compiled a volume of its “best”—“a 150th years of writers and thinkers who shaped our history.” Editor Robert Vare selected poems, short stories, and some of the long-form pieces the magazine became famous for. He also inadvertently helped me with my homework. What better place to get a handle on the American idea than in the last section of his volume bearing that name?
What runs throughout these excerpts is a tension between seemingly competing imperatives: the desire to be a world leader and to preserve the country’s isolated, insular stance; to put the group before the individual and to deify the rugged, self-reliant pioneer; embracing cosmopolitanism versus celebrating American exceptionalism. These tensions have not gone away. They are still at the heart of the country’s electoral choices, its domestic and international policy debates, and its museums.
What does Mr. Vare include? Among other things, “The Ideals of America,” which Woodrow Wilson wrote in 1902 in response to the Spanish-American war. In it, he urges leaders to abandon George Washington’s call to stay out of other countries’ business and take on a more prominent international role instead. Until then, the country had been too busy expanding westward and warding off continental competitors and external threats. Now, said Wilson, Asia was ripe for the economic picking, Cuba was boiling over just to the south, and the United States’ self-confidence soared after its easy victory over Spain in the Philippines. Why not build an empire? A decade later, though, Wilson did an about face from his presidential seat in the White House. Unrepentant Filipino insurgents and Mexican revolutionaries and the human cost of World War I convinced him that imperialism impeded democracy, converting him into a die-hard internationalist.
Then comes the idea of westward expansion—that the wide-open, uninhabited spaces of the American west evoked a frontier mentality and fiercely independent personality that still marks the country today. In his 1893 speech at the Chicago World’s Fair, University of Wisconsin History Professor Frederick Jackson Turner told listeners that taming those inhospitable, lonely expanses required staunch individualists who could only rely on themselves. Achieving the American dream became an individual rather than a collective accomplishment.
Randolph Bourne put his finger on the multi-national roots of America. Writing in 1916, at a time of large-scale immigration and heightened xenophobia, he railed against calls to transform America into a homogenous bastion of Anglo-Saxon culture, proposing instead a “cosmopolitan vision” that allowed each group to retain its customs and character because they added up to a richer whole. Americans were all foreign-born or the children of immigrants, so why make social distinctions based on nativity? The United States was in a unique position to model cosmopolitanism to the rest of the world because “only the American—and in this category I include the migratory alien who has lived with us and caught the pioneer spirit and a sense of new social vistas—has the chance to become that citizen of the world. American is coming to be, not a nationality but a trans-nationality, a weaving back and forth, with the other land, of many threads of all sizes and colors.” 116
Nearly twenty years later, theologian Reinhold Niebuhr chastised his fellow citizens as anything but. In his essay, The Perils of American Power, he warned that America had become too powerful too quickly and that, as a result, it did not exercise its influence effectively or ethically. “America is at once the most powerful and politically ignorant of modern nations.”117 Despite its achievements, he said, it was still made up of powerful businessmen and engineers who have wealth and position but lack a moral compass.
The last piece Vare includes is also emblematic of one thread of Americanness—the country’s optimism and its abiding, sometimes naïve, belief in progress. Writing about September 11th, essayist William Langewiesche wrote “Despite the apocalyptic nature of the scene, the response was unhesitant and almost childishly optimistic: it was simply understood that you would find survivors, and then that you would find the dead… and that you would work night and day to clean up the mess, and that this would allow the world’s greatest city to rebuild quickly, and maybe even to make itself into something better than before.”118 It was, in essence, Winthrop’s 1617 City on the Hill all over again.
To this cultural knapsack, as Anders Björklund would call it, I would add the idea of civil religion. Robert Bellah defined civil religion not as a real religion or simple patriotism but as “an institutionalized collection of sacred beliefs about the American nation,” including a belief in a transcendent being called God, the idea that America is subject to God's laws, and that God guides and protects the United States. These ideas, Bellah believed, underlay national values of liberty, justice, charity, and personal virtue.119 They also underlay a sense of special calling, of being chosen to carry forth God’s plan and to be judged accordingly.

I also add the idea of American exceptionalism, a term which arose in 1906, when Werner Sombart was asked to explain why one of the largest, wealthiest industrialized nations devoted so little money to the welfare of its citizens? Why was the government so “hands-off” when it came to managing the economy and why were trade unions so weak? The answer, Sombart and others later argued, was that because America never had a landed aristocracy or an established church, there was never any need to rebel against them. The country’s vast open spaces allowed potential class antagonists to walk away from each other rather than fight it out. The same people who sought their fortunes in isolated areas became strong-minded independent farmers, not collectively organized workers. Americans became successful by being independent, autonomous, sovereign, and rational actors in a free market.120


American exceptionalism, some argue, explains all kinds of things: what Ignatieff and colleague John Ruggie call American “schizophrenism”—that no other country spends so much time promoting human rights and democracy while also supporting rights abusing regimes, opting out of treaties, and insisting that domestic law always trumps international agreements. 121 Andrei S. Markovits and Steven Hellerman even say it explains why soccer is the sport of choice all over the world but only recently became popular in the United States.122
Taken together, these values add up to a messianic charge, of a nation destined to spread democracy and be a role model to other nations. Boston’s self-image as the “hub of the universe” that would inspire mankind has the same genealogy as the rhetoric of Manifest Destiny, Woodrow Wilson’s call to make the world safe for democracy, and Franklin Roosevelt’s crusade for the “four freedoms” during World War II. 123 “It is something more than the ordinary narcissism and nationalism that all powerful states display,” writes Ignatieff, “It is rooted in the particular achievements of a successful history of liberty that U.S. leaders have believed is of universal significance, even the work of Providential design. For most Americans, human rights are American values writ large, the export version of its own Bill of Rights” and America is “the last imperial ideology left standing in the world, the sole survivor of imperial claims to universal significance.”124
Even when creating cosmopolitan competencies, then, there was little discussion about what kind of world they would create or how to achieve it. Nor did the conversation turn to who decides what attitudes and skills are needed, who gets to embrace them and, more importantly, what would have to change to make that possible for greater numbers. This is global engagement when you are so far out in front, no one else can really hold you accountable. It is leading without staying true to your own rules.

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1 Thomas H. O’Connor, The Athens of America: Boston, 1825-1845 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2006): 18.

2 Darren Staloff, The Making of an American Thinking Class: Intellectuals and Intelligentsia in Puritan Massachusetts (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998)

3 Hence, Boston’s nickname today.

Darrett Bruce Rutman, Winthrop’s Boston: Portrait of a Puritan Town, 1630-1649 (New York: Norton, 1972): 4.

O’Connor, The Athens of America.


4 Staloff, The Making of an American Thinking Class, 3.

5 According to Cleveland Amory (The Proper Bostonians (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1947): 36), “Contrary to the general impression they are never loath to give outsiders, the First Families of Boston are not those who forebears came over on the Mayflower…. Plymouth, settled in 1620, was made up of people who were proud of the fact that hardly a one of them had more than a few drops of old English blue blood in his veins. Boston, settled in 1630, was in comparison a definitely Aristocratic undertaking, financed to the extent of a sum equal to five million dollars, and made up largely of upper-crust merchant adventurers.”

6 Robert F. Dalzell, Enterprising Elite: The Boston Associates and the World They Made (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987): 125.

Rutman, Winthrop’s Boston, 7.



7 Amory, The Proper Bostonians, 37.

8 According to historians Brown and Tager (Massachusetts: a Concise History (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2000): 52) “As the 18th century progressed … the intense devotion to the Puritan past waned among ordinary farmers as well as wealthier, more cosmopolitan people. In the port towns, Boston, Salem, Newbury, and in a handful of others, commercial prosperity encouraged more and more involvement with the Atlantic trading world.”

9 Brown and Tager, Massachusetts, 36.

Bernard Bailyn, The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979).



10 Brown and Tager, Massachusetts, 47.

11 Brown and Tager, Massachusetts, 52.

12 Brown and Tager, Massachusetts, 57

13 Dalzell, Enterprising Elite, 79-80.

14 Amory (The Proper Bostonians, 20): “First families in Boston have tended toward marrying each other in a way that would do justice to the planned marriages of European royalty… Old colonel Henry Lee, an impeccable First Family man, phrased the matter gently: “Lees, Cabots, Jacksons, and Higginsons knew each other well… and had a satisfying belief that new England morality and intellectuality had produced nothing better than they were; so they very contentedly made a little clique of themselves, and intermarried very much, with a sure and cheerful faith that in such alliances there can be no blunder.”

15 Dalzell, Enterprising Elite,


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