Language Acquisition



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10 Conclusion


The topic of language acquisition implicate the most profound questions about our understanding of the human mind, and its subject matter, the speech of children, is endlessly fascinating. But the attempt to understand it scientifically is guaranteed to bring on a certain degree of frustration. Languages are complex combinations of elegant principles and historical accidents. We cannot design new ones with independent properties; we are stuck with the confounded ones entrenched in communities. Children, too, were not designed for the benefit of psychologists: their cognitive, social, perceptual, and motor skills are all developing at the same time as their linguistic systems are maturing and their knowledge of a particular language is increasing, and none of their behavior reflects one of these components acting in isolation.

Given these problems, it may be surprising that we have learned anything about language acquisition at all, but we have. When we have, I believe, it is only because a diverse set of conceptual and methodological tools has been used to trap the elusive answers to our questions: neurobiology, ethology, linguistic theory, naturalistic and experimental child psychology, cognitive psychology, philosophy of induction, theoretical and applied computer science. Language acquisition, then, is one of the best examples of the indispensability of the multidisciplinary approach called cognitive science.


11 Further Reading


A general introduction to language can be found in my book The Language Instinct (Pinker, 1994), from which several portions of this chapter were adapted. There is a chapter on language acquisition, and chapters on syntactic structure, word structure, universals and change, prescriptive grammar, neurology and genetics, and other topics.

The logical problem of language acquisition is discussed in detail by Wexler and Culicover (1980), Pinker (1979, 1984, 1987, 1989), Osherson, Stob, & Weinstein (1985), Berwick (1985), and Morgan (1986). Pinker (1979) is a nontechnical introduction. The study of learnability within theoretical computer science has recently taken on interesting new turns, reviewed in Kearns & Vazirani (1994), though with little discussion of the special case we are interested in, language acquisition. Brent (1995) contains state-of-the-art work on computer models of language acquisition.

The most comprehensive recent textbook on language development is Ingram (1989). Among other recent textbooks, Gleason (1993) has a focus on children's and mothers' behavior, whereas Atkinson (1992), Goodluck (1991), and Crain and Lillo-Martin (in press), have more of a focus on linguistic theory. Bloom (1993) is an excellent collection of reprinted articles, organized around the acquisition of words and grammar. Hoekstra and Schwartz (1994) is a collection of recent papers more closely tied to theories of generative grammar. Fletcher & MacWhinney's The Handbook of Child Language (1995), has many useful survey chapters; see also the surveys by Paul Bloom in Gernsbacher's Handbook of Psycholinguistics (1994) and by Michael Maratsos in Mussen's Carmichael's Manual of Child Psychology (4th edition 1983; 5th edition in preparation at the time of this writing).

Earlier collections of important articles include Krasnegor, et al., (1991), MacWhinney (1987), Roeper & Williams (1987), Wanner & Gleitman (1982), Baker & McCarthy (1981), Fletcher and Garman (1979), Ferguson & Slobin (1973), Hayes (1970), Brown & Bellugi (1964), and Lenneberg (1964). Slobin (1985a/1993) is a large collection of major reviews on the acquisition of particular languages.

The most ambitious attempts to synthesize large amounts of data on language development into a cohesive framework are Brown (1973), Pinker (1984), and Slobin (1985b). Clark (1993) reviews the acquisition of words. Locke (1993) covers the earliest stages of acquisition, with a focus on speech input and output. Morgan & Demuth (in press) contains papers on children's perception of input speech and its interaction with their language development.

12 Problems


  1. "Negative evidence" is reliable information available to a language learner about which strings of words are ungrammatical in the language to be acquired. Which of the following would, and would not, count as negative evidence. Justify your answers.

a. Mother expresses disapproval every time Junior speaks ungrammatically.

b. Father often rewards Junior when he speaks grammatically, and often punishes him when he speaks ungrammatically.

c. Mother wrinkles her nose every time Junior speaks ungrammatically, and never wrinkles her nose any other time.

d. Father repeats all of Junior's grammatical sentences verbatim, and converts all of his ungrammatical sentences into grammatical ones.

e. Mother blathers incessantly, uttering all the grammatical sentences of English in order of length -- all the two word sentences, then all the three-word sentences, and so on.

f. Father corrects Junior whenever he produces an overregularization like breaked, but never corrects him when he produces a correct past tense form like broke.

g. Whenever Junior speaks ungrammatically, Mother responds by correcting the sentence to the grammatical version. When he speaks grammatically, Mother responds with a follow-up that merely recasts the sentence in different words.

h. Whenever Junior speaks ungrammatically, Father changes the subject.

i. Mother never repeats Junior's ungrammatical sentences verbatim, but sometimes repeats his grammatical sentences verbatim.

j. Father blathers incessantly, producing all possible strings of English words, furrowing his brows after every ungrammatical string and pursing his lips after every grammatical sentence.



  1. Consider three languages. Language A is is English, in which sentence must contain a grammatical subject: He ate the apple is good; Ate the apple is ungrammatical. In Language B, the subject is optional, but the verb always has a suffix which agrees with the subject (whether it is present or absent) in person, number, and gender. Thus He ate-3MS the apple is good (assume that "3MS" is a suffix, like -o or -ik, that is used only when the subject is 3rd person masculine singular), as is Ate-3MS the apple. (Those of you who speak Spanish or Italian will see that this hypothetical language is similar to them.) Language C has no inflection on the verb, but allows the subject to be omitted: He ate the apple and Ate the apple are both good. Assuming a child has no access to negative evidence, but knows that the language to be learned is one of these three. Does the child have to entertain these hypotheses in any fixed order? If so, what is it? What learning strategy would guarantee that the child would arrive at the correct language? Show why.

  2. Imagine a verb pilk that means "to have both of one's elbows grabbed by someone else," so John pilked Bill meant that Bill grabbed John's elbows.

a. Why is this verb unlikely to occur in English?

b. If children use semantic context and semantic-syntax linking rules to bootstrap their way into a language, what would a languageless child infer about English upon hearing "This is pilking" and seeing Bill grab John's elbows?

c. If children use semantic context and semantics-syntax linking rules to bootstrap their way into a language, what would a languageless child infer about English upon hearing "John pilked Bill" and seeing Bill grab John's elbows?

d. If children use semantic context and semantics-syntax linking rules to bootstrap their way into a language, what would a child have to experience in order to learn English syntax and the correct use of the word pilk?



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